The Zionism Observer
An ever-growing database of quotes from Israeli leaders and public figures
The Zionism Observer
We will give [the Palestinians] a carrot in the form of a state, and if they don’t want it, we will tear them apart. I have said many times in the past that next time we have a war, they will no longer remain here, we will kick them out to the other side of the Jordan River. That’s how we need to fight. We were too nice in ’67.
Due to the abolition of legal slavery, there are now deficiencies, since no one is responsible for the [human] property ... With the help of God, it [slavery] will return ... The gentiles will want to be our slaves. Being a slave to a Jew is the best. They're glad to be slaves, they want to be slaves. Instead of just walking the streets and being stupid and violent and harming each other, once they're slaves, their lives can begin to take shape.
All around us, we are surrounded by peoples with genetic problems. Ask a simple Arab 'where do you want to be?' He wants to be under the occupation. Why? Because they have genetic problems, they don't know how to run a country, they don't know how to do anything. Look at them.
Yes, we're racists. We believe in racism ... There are races in the world and peoples have genetic traits, and that requires us to try to help them. The Jews are a more successful race.
Anyone who wants to thwart the establishment of a Palestinian state has to support bolstering Hamas and transferring money to Hamas. This is part of our strategy – to isolate the Palestinians in Gaza from the Palestinians in the West Bank.
Israel is not a state of all its citizens. It is the nation-state of the Jewish people and only them.
If the War of Independence had ended with an absolute separation of populations – the Palestinian Arabs on the east side of the Jordan River and the Jews on the west side – the Middle East would be less volatile and both peoples would have suffered less over the past 70 years. They would have been satisfied with a state of their own, not exactly what they wanted, and we would have received the whole Land of Israel.
Even if territorial compromise with the Palestinians is not realistic in this generation, as was also the case earlier, you have to play the diplomatic game – even if you know it won’t lead anywhere – in order to retain the West’s sympathy. You have to look like you’re pursuing peace, even if you’re not.
There is no place for the weak. The weak crumble, are slaughtered and are erased from history while the strong, for good or for ill, survive. The strong are respected, and alliances are made with the strong, and in the end peace is made with the strong.
I went to the U.S. [...] and encountered something I termed a real plague. I saw the children of my friends marrying or living with non-Jewish partners.
This is how a ‘nakba’ begins. Just like this. Remember ’48. Remember ’67 ... You’ve been warned!
I'm asked if we will forever live by the sword — yes.
Hitler didn't want to exterminate the Jews at the time, he wanted to expel the Jews. And Hajj Amin al-Husseini went to Hitler and said, 'If you expel them, they will all come here.' 'So what should I do with them,' [Hitler] asked. He said, 'Burn them.'
The Palestinian Authority is a burden, and Hamas is an asset. It’s a terrorist organization, no one will recognize it, no one will give it status at the [International Criminal Court], no one will let it put forth a resolution at the U.N. Security Council.
I have been saying for two years that given that the Israeli challenge has moved from the security field to the delegitimization field, then Hamas is an asset and the Palestinian Authority is a burden.
[I suggest] we internalize the fact that Oslo is finished, that this is our country- our country exclusively, including Gaza.
The IDF shall designate certain open areas on the Sinai border, adjacent to the sea, in which the civilian population will be concentrated, far from the built-up areas that are used for launches and tunnelling... In these areas, tent encampments will be established, until relevant emigration destinations are determined.
There are no two states, and there are no two peoples. There is only one state for one people.
All civilian casualties are unintended by us, but actually intended by Hamas. They want to pile up as many civilian dead as they can because, somebody said, and it's gruesome, they use telegenically dead Palestinians for their cause. The more dead the better.
The Palestinian people has declared war on us, and we must respond with war. Not an operation, not a slow-moving one, not low-intensity, not controlled escalation, no destruction of terror infrastructure, no targeted killings. Enough with the oblique references. This is a war. Words have meanings. This is a war. It is not a war against terror, and not a war against extremists, and not even a war against the Palestinian Authority. These too are forms of avoiding reality. This is a war between two people. Who is the enemy? The Palestinian people. Why? Ask them, they started.
I don’t know why it’s so hard for us to define reality with the simple words that language puts at our disposal. Why do we have to make up a new name for the war every other week, just to avoid calling it by its name. What’s so horrifying about understanding that the entire Palestinian people is the enemy? Every war is between two peoples, and in every war the people who started the war, that whole people, is the enemy. A declaration of war is not a war crime. Responding with war certainly is not. Nor is the use of the word 'war', nor a clear definition who the enemy is. Au contraire: the morality of war (yes, there is such a thing) is founded on the assumption that there are wars in this world, and that war is not the normal state of things, and that in wars the enemy is usually an entire people, including its elderly and its women, its cities and its villages, its property and its infrastructure.
Dear fighters, act in Gaza in your most lethal way: kill, kill and kill. Gaza needs to make the corpses of Hamas members and their aides stink, without that the goals will not be achieved. Don't take a risk. Everything that moves within the boundaries of your sector - shoot. And the main thing - come back safely.
There is nothing more moral than turning Gaza into hell now, so that in the future they won't even think in that direction. So far we are too gentle
I've killed lots of Arabs in my life and there's no problem with that.
The goal of the operation is to send Gaza back to the Middle Ages. Only then will Israel be calm for forty years.
Muslims that arrive here do not even believe that this country belongs to us, to the white man.
We already had a Jewish state here when you were still climbing up trees.
With an outbreak of hostilities, the IDF will need to act immediately, decisively, and with force that is disproportionate to the enemy's actions and the threat it poses. Such a response aims at inflicting damage and meting out punishment to an extent that will demand long and expensive reconstruction processes. The strike must be carried out as quickly as possible, and must prioritize damaging assets over seeking out each and every launcher.
Punishment must be aimed at decision makers and the power elite. In Syria, punishment should clearly be aimed at the Syrian military, the Syrian regime, and the Syrian state structure. In Lebanon, attacks should both aim at Hizbollah’s military capabilities and should target economic interests and the centers of civilian power that support the organization. Moreover, the closer the relationship between Hizbollah and the Lebanese government, the more the elements of the Lebanese state infrastructure should be targeted. Such a response will create a lasting memory among Syrian and Lebanese decision makers, thereby increasing Israeli deterrence and reducing the likelihood of hostilities against Israel for a an extended period. At the same time, it will force Syria, Hizbollah, and Lebanon to commit to lengthy and resource-intensive reconstruction programs.
This approach is applicable to the Gaza Strip as well. There, the IDF will be required to strike hard at Hamas and to refrain from the cat and mouse games of searching for Qassam rocket launchers. The IDF should not be expected to stop the rocket and missile fire against the Israeli home front through attacks on the launchers themselves, but by means of imposing a ceasefire on the enemy.
The IDF should decide on a neighborhood in Gaza and level it.
Realistic leaders in Washington and Jerusalem cannot allow Tehran to have the Bomb. And, in the coming months or year, must do what is necessary to halt and destroy the Iranian nuclear project. And if this involves a protracted, conventional air assault on the Iranian nuclear facilities—then so be it. The Iranians will have brought that assault on their own heads. And, if conventional weapons cannot do the job—and if Israel is forced to go the course alone, it is doubtful that its conventional capabilities will be sufficient to destroy the Iranian nuclear project. Then non-conventional weaponry will have to be used to stymie the project. And many innocent Iranians will die. But the Iranians will have brought this upon themselves by bringing to power and leaving in power a leadership that will have forced Israelis to do what was necessary in order to survive.
What happened in the Dahiya quarter of Beirut in 2006 will happen in every village from which Israel is fired on … From our standpoint, these are not civilian villages, they are military bases … This is not a recommendation. This is a plan. And it has been approved.
I didn't recommend that we kill Palestinians. I said we'll have to kill them. I was right about mounting demographic pressures.
The idea is to put the Palestinians on a diet, but not to make them die of hunger.
When 2.5 million people live in a closed-off Gaza, it's going to be a human catastrophe. Those people will become even bigger animals than they are today, with the aid of an insane fundamentalist Islam. The pressure at the border will be awful. It's going to be a terrible war. So, if we want to remain alive, we will have to kill and kill and kill. All day, every day.
The barbarians who want to take our lives [are like serial killers]. The people the Palestinian society sends to carry out the terrorist attacks, and in some way the Palestinian society itself as well. At the moment, that society is in the state of being a serial killer. It is a very sick society. It should be treated the way we treat individuals who are serial killers.
[In] certain conditions, expulsion is not a war crime. I don't think that the expulsions of 1948 were war crimes. You can't make an omelet without breaking eggs. You have to dirty your hands.
You have to put things in proportion. These are small war crimes.
Something like a cage has to be built for them [Palestinians]. I know that sounds terrible. It is really cruel. But there is no choice. There is a wild animal there that has to be locked up in one way or another.
Everybody has to move, run and grab as many hilltops as they can to enlarge the settlements because everything we take now will stay ours … Everything we don’t grab will go to them.
Our freedom is incomplete without the freedom of the Palestinians.
I wish I could wake up one day and find that Gaza has sunk into the sea.
Personal terrorism is a way of fighting that is acceptable under certain conditions and by certain movements.
When we have settled the land … all the Arabs will be able to do about it will be to scurry around like drugged roaches in a bottle.
The frontier is where Jews live, not where there is a line on the map.
The thesis that the danger of genocide was hanging over us in June 1967 and that Israel was fighting for its physical existence is only bluff, which was born and developed after the war.
There was no such thing as Palestinians
How can we return the occupied territories? There is nobody to return them to.
I want them all to go, even if they go to the moon.
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